The aftermath

With the fall of Fort Griswold, the burning of New London, and the departure of the British, Loyalist, and Hessian Jaegers, the citizens of New London and Groton began their somber return to the scene of the atrocities. At Fort Griswold, mothers, sisters, and daughters, driven by desperate hope, crawled through the darkness, searching for their loved ones. Fearful of igniting remaining powder or encountering lingering enemies, they dared not use candles or lanterns. The air was thick with the moans and groans of the severely wounded, punctuated by the crackling embers of unextinguished fires and the anguished weeping of grieving families. A chilling silence, broken only by these sounds, permeated the scene.

Within the fort’s walls, the dead lay scattered, their blood soaking the ground. Many bodies were mutilated and bloated, their personal belongings stolen, rendering identification nearly impossible. Colonel Ledyard's body lay near the north entrance, while the wounded, haphazardly thrown into transport carts, were scattered near an old tree. Major Peters of Norwich identified Ledyard after extinguishing a lit fuse intended to detonate the fort's magazine.

As the British finished their work of destruction in New London, local citizens turned their attention to the wounded crammed into the transport carts. Of the twenty or so men, approximately six had perished during the chaotic transport, a grim conclusion to a day of unimaginable horror. The survivors were taken to the nearby home of Ebenezer Avery, where they received what care could be offered.

Of this event F.M.Calkins wrote:

"Under cover of the night, a number of Americans had cautiously approached the fort, even before it was evacuated by the conquerors; and as soon as the rear-guard of the enemy had retreated down the hill, and the dip of their ors was heard in the water, they hastened to the gate of the fort.  Major Peters, of Norwich, is understood to have first reached the spot.  Perceiving the barracks on fire and the train laid, without a moment's hesitation he periled life by entering the gate, and being well acquainted with the interior arrangements, rushed to the pump for water to extinguish the fire.  Hew he found nothing that would hold water but an old cartridge-box; the spout of the pump likewise had been removed; but notwithstanding there disadvantages, he succeeded in interrupting the communication between the burning barracks and the powder.  The heroism of this act can not be too highly applauded.  

Others were soon on the spot, and the fire was entirely subdued.  These adventurous men supposed that the wounded as well as the dead had been left by the enemy to be blown into the air, and it was to preserve them from this awful fate that they hazarded their lives by entering the fort.  The fire being quenched, they hastened to examine the heaps of human forms that lay around, but found no lingering warmth, no sign to indicate that life yet hovered in the frame, and might be recalled to consciousness.  Major Peters easily selected the lifeless remains of his friend Col. Ledyard.  His strongly marked features, calm and serene in death, could not be mistaken.

As soon as it was known that he British had re-embarked all Groton was moved, inquiring for her sons.  Women and children assembled before the morning dawn, with torches in their hands, examining the dead and wounded in search of their friends.  They passed the light from face to face, but so bloody and mangled were they - their features so distorted with the energy of resistance, or the convulsion of pain, that in many cases the wife could not identify her husband or the mother her son.  When a mournful recognition did take place, piteous were the groans and lamentations that succeeded.  Forty widows ahd been made that day, all residing near the scene of action.  A woman, searching for her husband among the slain, cleansed the gore from more than thirty faces before she found the remains she sought."

The unlucky prisoners, mostly wounded were already receiving poor treatment that was common place in the hold of a British prison ship. Some too badly wounded to survive without the care of a physician expired and were tossed in the Long Island Sound. Dying British soldiers were buried on Plumb Island a few miles from the mouth of the Thames River, some were buried at sea on the Long Island Sound. 

Surviving Americans were guarded and treated inhumanly. Many would never be heard of again. Hands tied behind their backs and marched at the sharp end of a bayonet through the streets of New York, emprisoned in the sugar house... some died here as well.

Several days after the attack bodies of British Soldiers began to wash up on the shores of New London and near modern day Harkness Point. In fact some were also found along the shores of Lyme, likely those who died and were buried at sea. This was a regular occurrence and happened for about a week after they departed this area.

Local Response
Militia units from across Eastern Connecticut and Western Rhode Island began to arrive, many reaching the scene just as Arnold and his forces departed. Fear and confusion reigned, and angry citizens were eager to pursue the British ships, which had already set sail the following morning. Immediately, questions arose regarding the lack of adequate defense and organized response. In the ensuing months, 38 court-martials were conducted, holding officers accountable for their inaction.

Colonel Harris of New London, a man of considerable girth, was witnessed riding past 500 assembled militiamen as the British torched the town. When asked for direction, he reportedly replied, "I have a headache and am too ill," before riding north toward Norwich. Continental Army officer Jonathan Latimer from Lyme's Second Society arrived with a company of 22-23 men as the fires raged. Shocked and lacking senior leadership, they were paralyzed by the realization that their small numbers could not alter the devastating outcome.

Captain James Huntley, a veteran of the northern campaigns and head of the local arms procurement committee, arrived via the old Rope Ferry and Shore Road (Niantic through Waterford) with his company. He recorded in his family bible, "We arrived at the Rope Ferry at the Gut and the ferryman demanded payment as we attempted to get to New London responding to the alarms. I offered him only my pistol."

Despite the confusion, some Lyme and New London militia organized small parties and harassed the British troops with sporadic fire from behind stone walls and trees as they ransacked New London and retreated to their landing craft.

On the Groton side, the militia under Gallup remained concealed in the forest, observing the unfolding events. They deemed the defense of Fort Griswold hopeless, given the imposition of martial law and the order for no quarter. While they desired to engage the British regulars in open battle, it is likely that their lines would have been broken by the first volleys of the seasoned British troops.

The sixteen sloops and ships that escaped up river began to return to New London to find a shell of a town. Some brought provisions with them while others returned as soon as Arnold's Navy pushed off and set sail. The damage was complete. 

Captain Shapley of New London was one of the lucky unlucky ones. He severely wounded by the grape shot from the cannon blast lingered in terrible pain for 5 months, finally passing away in February of 1782. 

Families Perish 

Eleven members of the Avery Family fell, six of the Perkins name. It is told by survivors that only 6 men were killed by the invaders at the onset of the attack. Halsey was one of these as was one of the Averys. The rest were killed after Ledyard surrendered his sword. One boy of 16 escaped unhurt as he was grabbed by the hand of a British sergent when the massacre began and told "where do you think you are going you little rebel rascal"..." when the heat of the massacre increased he let the boy go and told him to run away from this place... and he did. 

Captain William Coit of New London, whose home still stands at the corner of Washington and Coit Streets, was a man of extraordinary military experience. A veteran of several early land campaigns, including the calls to arms after Lexington and Concord, Bunker Hill, and the battles of New York and Long Island, Coit later took to the sea. He served under Captain Dudley Saltonstall in a disastrous mission off the coast of Maine, considered one of the worst US Navy disasters in history. He also served on privateers operating out of New London and aboard the Oliver Cromwell, the first American warship built in modern-day Essex, Connecticut.

During the attack on New London, Coit was captured. He remained a prisoner until 1782, when he managed to escape and return to his devastated hometown, where he dedicated himself to rebuilding the city.

Coit was also the owner of a local shipyard near the Shaw Mansion, located on what was then Coit's Cove (now gone). He outfitted his militia company with the best available gear, and he himself was known for his distinctive "purple or reddish-purple" coat, making him easily identifiable. Even upon his arrival in Boston just before the Battle of Bunker Hill, his presence was noted. John Saunders, who served under Coit and hailed from Lyme's Second Society, was wounded during that battle in 1775.

Arnold's Report to Sir Henry Clinton - Written while anchored of Plumb Island, NY Sept 8, 1781. The RevWar.com website has a wonderful copy of the reports given to Sir Henry Clinton. Please Click on the portrait of Arnold below for more information.

Intelligence - Tory - A Local from Lyme "goes off with the enemy".

In late November of 1781 a whale boat was spotted on Black Point in Lyme 2nd Society (Niantic) by several of the Sea Coast Guard on duty there. The group numbering about 5 included Noah Lester, Slvanus Griswold and Andrew Griswold of Lyme 2nd society moved toward a suspected Tory house located near the Moses Warren (may have been the old Bush mill) mill off the old Nehantic trail called Pattagansett.

From the Connecticut Gazette, November 30, 1781

"Last Friday a guard under the command of Ensign Andrew Griswold, stationed at Lyme, discovered a whale boat in a fresh pond near Black Point; and suspecting it came from Long Island, they set a guard  of five men over the boat, and the night after four others of the guard with Ensign Griswold went towards the house of the noted Elisha Beckwith. One of the guard named Noah Lester, advancing faster than the rest, was challenged by Beckwith's wife, who was near the house. This alarmed ten men who were in the house, well armed, and they immediately seized up and makde prisoner of Lester, and carried him into the house. Soon after the other four of the guard (not knowing Lester was a prisoner) and went directly in, where they discovered the ten persons in arms. A scuffle immediately ensued between them, and after some time the guard secured six of the party, among them was Elisha Beckwith. The other four made their escape into the woods, but they were all accept one taken the next day. They came in the above boat from Long Island, and were under the command of Thomas Smith, formerly of Middletown, who had a captain's commission under the British King. Elisha Beckwith went off with the enemy September 6 last, when they made their descent on this place. The above culprits are secured in Norwich Jail."

At the court martial in Hartford in January of 1782 noted that Elisha Beckwith  now residing in Hartford Jail "went off with Arnold when they came on the town of New London and Groton on Sept. 6, 1781". It was likely that Beckwith was a major source of intelligence for Arnold and Middleton and returned after the hostilities had died down to collect his family. He had hoped to return to the enemy and re-locate to Halifax with other "refugees". His requests were denied, eventually he did reunite with his family in Canada in 1782 after spending time in Hartford Jail. 

New London and Groton- The Economy & Compensation - Weeds Replace The Ashes

The recovery from the devastation of September 6, 1781, was a protracted ordeal for New London and Groton. Many residents, unable to rebuild their shattered lives, chose to leave. Twelve years later, in 1793, the Connecticut General Assembly offered compensation in the form of land grants in the Western Reserve (Ohio, Western Pennsylvania) on Lake Erie, later known as the "Fire Lands." However, the complexities of proving losses, especially after so many years, meant that many victims never received their due. Some had already relocated to upstate New York or other towns in the region. Nathaniel Shaw, for example, estimated his losses at a staggering 12,000 pounds sterling, a sum far beyond the state's capacity to reimburse.

It wasn't until the late 1780s that New London began to show signs of recovery. Weeds had overtaken the ashes of burned buildings, but trade gradually resumed with England and Europe. Many families, like the Greens, were forced to divide and sell their estates to survive. Conversely, it is said that Tory families received double compensation from the British Crown for their losses.

In April 1791, John Deshon Esq. was appointed to evaluate the claims of the victims. However, the passage of time, the dispersal of residents, and the loss of town records made proving property ownership nearly impossible. Some records were salvaged, and copies were created, but the task remained daunting.

William Hillhouse of Lyme's Second Society filed a claim with Deshon for timber used in fortifications and for the delivery of provisions, but without receipts or records, his claim was difficult to substantiate. Similarly, John Saunders of Lyme's Second Society sought reimbursement for funds advanced to the Sea Coast Guard, though the timing of these expenditures remains unclear.

Captain Richard Douglass, whose house and property were destroyed, received a land grant as compensation. He built a new home on land owned by town printer Timothy Green. Later, his cousin built the "House of the Golden Ball" on a hill near Main Street (modern Golden Street), giving the street its name.

Assisting John Deshon Esq. were Samuel Mott, Rufus Lathrop (modern Waterford), and Elias Brown, tasked with "checking victims for possible tax abatements." Daniel Calkins, of the Calkins Tavern in modern East Lyme, received 11 shillings for relief efforts, while Dan Tubbs (East Lyme) received 10 pounds, and Elias Smith 2 pounds, 10 shillings, all for aiding the suffering residents of New London.

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Calkins Tavern formerly located at Flander's Four Corners in East Lyme off Rte.1- Courtery of Connecticut State Library (www.cslib.com) was a stopping place for Gen. George Washington and Marquis de Lafayette (2 times) and was the center of patriot activity in Lyme 2nd society during that time.

It has also been noted that Joseph Packwood of New London asked for re-imbursement of debts incurred in getting arms etc... from the West Indies in 1775-76. It was likely that Mr.Packwood deemed this a good time to apply for those costs instead of doing this immediately upon return.

All in all there were upwards of 38 court martials after the attack on Groton and New London. Most were due to the "lack of response" by the local militia and commanders. One case involving Lt.Col.Joseph Harris of the 3rd Regt. who was present at Ft.Nonesense at the time of the attack and did nothing to defend or respond. He was supposedly suffering from a headache and left the battle without assigning a new commander. He was convicted and booted out of the militia all honor lost.  

Col. Johnathan Latimer of Lyme 2nd society (East Lyme/Montville) responded with 22 men from modern day East Lyme and Montville. He was acquitted but shamed of this trial. He reported that when he arrived, likely 2 hours after the attack began the invaders were already disembarking. Whether this true or not it is likely that without a central command or plan for defense to avoid further casualties all organized defenses were avoided. 

It is known that some of the men from East Lyme and another under Capt. James Huntley, and other veterans (Lee, Griswold, Rathbun) responded on their own seeing the destruction of New London by organizing skirmishing parties and harassed the enemy to their boats. 

With increased trade and the entry into Whaling in the late 1790s New London and Groton soon prospered as Shipbuilding and Whaling center. With arrival of the much debated War of 1812 new alarms, similar to those given on Sept. 6, 1781 were common, for one legthy period of time US Naval Commodore Steven Decatur

It can be written that Latimer, Caulkins and Lord had served throughout the war and were battle hardened veterans. Arnold "assumed" Latimer would be there, Caulkins served with him as well at Saratoga and respected Caulkins even after an event at Saratoga when Arnold scolded Caulkins thinking his men were trying to leave without permission. Arnold later apologized to Caulkins.

(Comm. Steven Decatur at The National Portrait Gallery of Distinguished Americans) 

and his ships were bottled up in the Thames River, eventually building fortifications near the modern day US. Sub Base at the Gales Ferry border on a height rising above the river. However this area flourished through the Whaling Era of the first half of the 1800s and eventually giving way to maritime trade that would take New London County into 20th century prosperity.

A New London Whaler ca. 1839 & The New London Whaler George ca. 1845 in front of Ft.Griswold

The Monument 

The event was marked for many years on each anniversary. Finally with monies raised by lottery and other a monument was established on Groton Heights and later an addition was placed on the top. It was not until the very early 1830's that any veterans of the American Revolution were able to "apply" and "received" benefits or a "pensions" for their efforts. The ardious task was most difficult in proving one's official whereabouts almost 60 years before. Many commanders kept poor records like those of Gen.Samuel H. Parsons of Lyme who fought in the New York and New Jersey campaigns with 100's of men from New London, Groton and Lyme. Many veterans, aged and not 100% in mind elaborated their involvements in the events to try to prove their stories. It is mostly these accounts that give us the picture of what happened not only on September 6, 1781 but of the entire American Revolution. Stephen Hempstead wrote his story for the sake of gaining his pension. While their are many "half truths" there is enough to give us a glimpse of what happened through the eyes of an eyewtiness. 

"This Monument was erected under the patronage of the State of Connecticut, A. D. 1830, and in the 55th year of the Independence of the U.S.A., in memory of the patriots who fell in the massacre at Fort Griswold, near this spot, on the 6th of September, A. D. 1781, when the British under the command of the traitor Benedict Arnold, burnt the towns of New London and Groton, and spread desolation and woe throughout this region.
"'Zebulon and Napthali were a people that jeopardized their lives unto death in the high places of the field.  Judges, 5th chap., 18th ver.'"