The morning of September 6, 1781, dawned unusually warm. In New London, the day began as any other. The wharves along the Bank hummed with activity, dockworkers and merchants already busy unloading cargo from captured prizes, the Hannah among them. Unbeknownst to the town, a formidable British fleet had departed New York Harbor the previous day, its mission: to crush New London's thriving privateering operations. As the Royal Navy sailed up Long Island Sound, Colonel Ledyard, commander of American forces in the region, diligently inspected the forts on both sides of the Thames.
Admiral Thomas Graves' fleet, numbering over 32 sails, had anchored off Long Island overnight, awaiting the arrival of troop transports. Despite its size, it remained largely undetected, a fact that raises serious questions about the vigilance of the Sea Coast Guards. Were they asleep at their posts? Or simply absent? According to historian Frances Manwaring Caulkins, the frequency of false alarms during the war had likely desensitized the local militia.
However, later documentation suggests a different narrative: the townspeople were, in fact, aware of the British approach. They had organized and prepared for the defense of their homes, bracing for the inevitable confrontation.
(Adm.Thomas Graves ca. 1798)
As the morning progressed, the British fleet closed on the mouth of the Thames River, arriving around 9 a.m. By 10 a.m., the first transport boats began landing troops on the New London side, roughly three miles from the town center. Dozens of boats beached near the lighthouse at Brown's Gate (now Ocean Beach), a landing site reminiscent of Concord's "Battle Road." This stretch of New London, primarily farmland interspersed with a few homes along Town Hill Road, would have been familiar territory to the seasoned British veterans.
The alarm was raised from Fort Griswold as the warships approached: two cannon shots fired at regular intervals, the signal for assistance. However, a crucial act of deception followed. Three shots, the signal for a victory or captured prize, were fired from one of the British warships, effectively canceling the intended alarm. This strategic manipulation, likely orchestrated by Benedict Arnold, who was intimately familiar with the signal system, sowed confusion. Some historians believe that Elisha Beckwith, a known Tory from Lyme, provided the British with vital intelligence, including the alarm signals and town defenses. Beckwith was not present at the Battle as he was returning from a trip to Rhode Island. Beckwith did "go off" with the British after the attack though fearing reprisals.
Alternatively, and perhaps more plausibly, the alarm was genuine. As the British marines began their landing, privateers attempting to flee north toward Norwich, along with local militia, opened fire. This sudden burst of cannon fire and musketry would have created a significant commotion, alerting the surrounding countryside. Men from Colchester, Lyme, Norwich, Preston, and Stonington mobilized, armed and ready to defend New London and Groton. Had they believed the three-shot signal, indicating a captured prize, they would not have arrived in such numbers. Their prompt and armed response suggests they understood the gravity of the situation, actively engaging the British regulars and Hessian Jaegers, and ultimately hindering their further advancement.
The landing force, approximately 800 strong, consisted of the 38th Regulars, the American Legion, Loyal Americans, Refugees, and 60 Hessian Jaegers. They disembarked with field artillery and supplies, all under the command of Benedict Arnold. Arnold, a Norwich native and once a hero to these very people, had famously defected to the British at West Point a year prior. Now, driven by his insatiable hunger for fame and recognition, he proudly executed the plan to raid his former home, leading his former neighbors into conflict.
Benedict Arnold in Continental Army Uniform ca.1775 (Conn.Historical Soc.)
Even as the British troops established their landing, local militia began to engage the invaders, unleashing sporadic fire. Benedict Arnold himself, in his report to Sir Henry Clinton on September 8, 1781, acknowledged the swift response of the townspeople. Despite the deceptive alarm, they emerged from their homes, grabbed their muskets, and plunged the town into chaos. The quiet morning was shattered by the sound of musketry and cannon fire. Panic spread as New London residents hastily packed their belongings and fled northward. Meanwhile, local militia units, off-duty Continental soldiers, and determined homeowners began to organize a desperate defense.
By 11 a.m., Arnold's men, advancing towards Fort Trumbull, encountered heavy fire from Fort Nonsense, a small redoubt situated on a rise to their left. Arnold, who had already deployed Jaegers to skirmish with the scattered resistance, now ordered four companies of his elite 38th Regulars, under the command of the seasoned Captain Millet, to silence the redoubt. The defenders, who had been harassing Arnold's forces for some time, were finally forced to disperse under the relentless advance of Captain Millet and his men. The British seized four mounted and two unmounted cannons, a significant victory that greatly pleased Arnold. The "hot fire" from the redoubt was extinguished.
With Fort Nonsense secured, Captain Millet's forces were joined by a company of the American Legion, led by Captain Frink. Together, they turned their attention towards their next objective: Fort Trumbull.
Fort Trumbull
Fort Trumbull, a rudimentary blockhouse with cannons facing the river and sound, stood as a vulnerable sentinel. Named in honor of Governor John Trumbull, the fort remained unfinished and offered no defense against a land assault. Defending this critical position was New London native Captain Adam Shapley, a respected military veteran with experience in campaigns at White Plains and Long Island. Shapley, whose home was a short walk from the fort along the Bank, commanded a small garrison of approximately 23 militia and off-duty Continental soldiers. Earlier that morning, he had received clear orders from Colonel Ledyard: fire a defiant volley, spike the cannons to render them useless, and then retreat across the river to Groton, reinforcing the defenses there.
Ft.Trumbull Block House Renderring ca.1795
Map of Ft.Trumbull-British Officer
As Captains Millet and Frink advanced on Fort Trumbull, approaching from a side road along the riverbank, they were met with a volley of grape shot, causing approximately five casualties. The defenders, following their orders, spiked the cannons, fired a final defiant round, and retreated to waiting rowboats on the eastern side of the fort. As the British seized the fort, Arnold's forces continued their advance towards New London's waterfront, leaving behind companies to secure Fort Trumbull and the captured redoubt.
The retreating defenders of Fort Trumbull raced across the Thames River, unaware that another 800 British troops had landed on the Groton side near Avery Point. British warships fired upon the rowboats, inflicting casualties and taking prisoners. Captain Shapley and his remaining men reached Groton safely and joined Colonel Ledyard. The wounded, both from Fort Trumbull and the river crossing, were carried up the hill, their numbers dwindling to half the original garrison.
Arnold, nearing New London, paused to survey the town he was about to attack. He continued to face sporadic fire from militia, but his advance was not significantly hindered. At the corner of Town Hill Road and The Bank, Arnold's forces were met with fire from a battery on a hill to their left. Four resolute citizens, manning a single field piece, likely a 6-pounder used for celebrations, offered the last organized resistance. Arnold sent a detachment up Blackhall Street, forcing the defenders to flee. However, as the detachment occupied the abandoned position, they came under increased fire from militia concealed behind stone walls and trees on Manwaring Hill. The detachment, suspecting the nearby Manwaring House of harboring snipers, ransacked the building and set it ablaze. The fire was later extinguished by local militia.
According to Frances Manwaring Caulkins, the house's owner later found a dying 18-year-old British soldier, abandoned by his comrades. The soldier, pleading for water, was taken inside, nursed briefly, and provided his name and a message for his exiled parents in Nova Scotia. He was later buried on modern-day Williams Street, alongside three other British soldiers killed by the militia.
As Arnold's forces moved onto The Bank, they faced continued skirmishes. Lieutenant Colonel Upham, commanding the New Jersey Loyalists, described the rebels' tenacious defense from hills and stone walls in a letter to Governor Franklin.
Arnold deployed detachments throughout the town, ordering the destruction of wharves, ships, and rebel homes. Upham's Loyalists ransacked houses near Colchester Road (Vauxhall Street), facing fire from militia near the Olde Burial Ground. Hessian Jaegers dispersed the defenders, and Upham established a field piece to fire on fleeing American ships. A cannonball struck Captain Robert Hallam's house near the Grist Mill.
Arnold, observing Fort Griswold from a high point, decided against a frontal assault. He then ordered the continued destruction of New London.
At Winthrop Cove, ships, the Grist Mill, and several homes, including the Plumbs and Saltonstall estates, were burned. The Richards House was spared due to the presence of a sick woman.
The British then torched homes, shops, warehouses, and the customs house along The Bank. The Hannah, a captured British prize, was burned and set adrift, resembling a Viking funeral.
The destruction was indiscriminate. Lumber, rope, and other supplies were burned, and homes were ransacked. Some citizens chose to die in their burning homes. The courthouse, jail, and Episcopal church were set ablaze. "Widows Row," a group of houses belonging to a British sympathizer, was spared. A tavern, frequented by both sides, was also spared, though its owner, a militia sergeant's wife, had fled.
The western side of Main Street, including Timothy Green's print shop, was spared, likely due to Arnold's focus on rebel targets.
Arnold and his officers dined at a local home, which subsequently caught fire. He then ordered the destruction of homes belonging to Fort Griswold defenders. Fishing boats, deemed harmless, were also burned. A woman and her children were spared the destruction of their home due to her desperate pleas.
As the British soldiers advanced along The Bank, they systematically burned everything in their path. Upon reaching Nathaniel Shaw's stone house, they set it ablaze on multiple sides, recognizing the challenge of igniting such a sturdy structure. Soldiers looted the property, smashing china and furniture as they moved. All outbuildings were consumed by fire. Only the quick thinking of a neighbor, who hid behind the house, prevented the stone mansion from total destruction. As the soldiers departed, the neighbor used a pipe to siphon vinegar from a barrel and doused the flames, effectively saving the house and preventing the fire from spreading to nearby homes.
The destruction along The Bank continued unabated. Stately homes belonging to ship captains and merchants were ransacked and burned. Warehouses filled with provisions and ships were reduced to ashes. A store of gunpowder, used by the colonial militia and the Continental Army, was ignited, causing a devastating explosion that fueled the spreading fires. Despite Arnold's orders to spare private homes of non-combatants, the destruction was widespread. Those who remained to defend their property were either burned alive or forced to witness their homes being destroyed.
Amidst the chaos, instances of unexpected kindness occurred. Arnold himself reportedly spared the lives of several individuals unable to evacuate. In one instance, he encountered a woman caring for her dying father. She pleaded for mercy, and an officer, an aide to Arnold, protected her home. In another instance, a loyalist looter was arrested and forced to return stolen clothing.
However, the brutal reality of war persisted. An elderly man, after being assured his home would be spared, was shot dead in his garden by another detachment, mistaken for a militiaman.
Militia units, responding to the confusing and often canceled alarms, arrived from Norwich, Colchester, Lyme (Abner Lord), Western New London (Caulkins) and Saybrook. Disorganized and lacking a central command, they formed scattered defensive positions along Town Hill Road, the British retreat route. Sporadic gunfire and the capture of a few intoxicated British soldiers marked their efforts. However, the majority of the militia, perhaps 500 strong, remained inactive, possibly awaiting orders or intimidated by the superior numbers of the British force.
Several townspeople were taken prisoner by the British, likely those who ventured too close to the marauding troops.
As the British troops returned to their transport boats near the lighthouse, they faced minimal harassment. Frances Manwaring Caulkins captured the defiant spirit of the townspeople in an anecdote: "A farmer, whose residence was a couple of miles from the town-plot, on hearing the alarm-guns in the morning, started from his bed and made instant preparations to hasten to the scene of action. He secreted his papers, took gun and cartridge-box, bade farewell to his family, and mounted and put spurs to his horse. When about four or five rods from the doors, his wife called after him -- he turned to receive her last commands-- "John! John! " she exclaimed, "don't get shot in the back!""
Ultimately, without a unified command, the scattered militia were unable to mount an effective resistance against the professional British army.
Destruction:
The conflagration left 97 families homeless.
Casualties:
Precise casualty figures for both civilians and military personnel are unavailable. However, contemporary reports suggest the following estimates:
Jonathan Fox of Lyme under the command of Caulkins was killed that day near the modern day Beechwood Manor.
As Arnold's forces landed in New London, an 800-man detachment disembarked on the Groton side of the Thames. This force, composed of British Regulars, New Jersey Loyalists, Jaegers, and artillery, had a vital objective: to prevent New London ships from escaping upriver to Norwich.
Norwich, Arnold's birthplace, represented a significant threat. Though inland, its potential as a militia stronghold concerned Arnold. With a population capable of raising 2,000 men, Norwich could quickly become a rallying point. The time needed to reach Norwich, destroy the ships, and counter a potential militia response echoed the British predicament at Lexington and Concord. While the notion of 2,000 readily available men was appealing, the reality was that many were already serving in the Continental Army, and the remaining militia were engaged in harvesting.
The Groton landing occurred near Avery Point, by the modern lighthouse. Lieutenant Colonel Edmund Eyre, a veteran of numerous campaigns, led the expedition. His mission, based on intelligence, was to seize Fort Griswold, which commanded strategic views over Groton Bank. This position would allow his artillery to target fleeing ships and block militia reinforcements from Stonington and Rhode Island, supporting the New London operation.
Avery Point Lighthouse and Branford Mansion in Groton.
Eyre's advance through Groton met with scant resistance. Isolated shots from farmers were the only challenge, as most defenders had answered Ledyard's call and fortified Fort Griswold, overlooking Groton Bank. However, the terrain presented a formidable obstacle. Swamps, thick and treacherous, ensnared Eyre's men, while the dense forest further fragmented their formations. They were finally spotted half a mile from the fort, their disrupted ranks scattering for cover, expecting an ambush.
In New London, Arnold, surveying Fort Griswold from the heights above the Ancient Burial Ground, recognized a critical error. The fort's defenses were far stronger than his intelligence suggested. Realizing the folly of a direct assault, he urgently dispatched a rider with counter orders, attempting to recall the attack.
Arnold: ""I immediately dispatched a boat with an officer to Lieut. Col. Eyre, to countermand my first order to attack the fort, but the officer arrived a few minutes too late. Lieut. Col. Eyre had sent Capt. Beckwith with a flag, to demand a surrender of the fort, which was peremptorily refused, and the attack had commenced.""
The fort as described by a British Officer:
"The fort was an oblong square, with bastions at opposite angles, its longest side fronting the river in a north-west and southeast direction. Its walls were of stone, and were ten or twelve feet high on the lower side, and surrounded by a ditch. On the wall were pickets, projecting over twelve feet; above this was a parapet with embrasures, and within a platform for cannon, and a step to mount upon, to shoot over the parapet with small arms. In the south-west bastion was a flag-staff, and in the side near the opposite angle, was the gate, in front of which was a triangular breast-work to protect the gate; and to the right of this was a redoubt, with a three-pounder in it, which was about 120 yards from the gate. Between the fort and the river was another battery, with a covered way, but which could not be used in this attack, as the enemy appeared in a different quarter."
Fort Griswold's western ramparts were fortified with 6-pound cannons. The northern approach, featuring the main gate, presented a flat, level expanse, a critical vulnerability that would shape the unfolding battle.
Despite its capacity for 300 men, the fort's garrison was significantly undermanned. Confusion and a hesitant response to the alarm had thinned their ranks.
Upon reaching the fort, Lieutenant Colonel Eyre orchestrated a strategic deployment. He directed elements of his force to the southern and eastern sides, with others maneuvering to the vulnerable northern approach. A small detachment made a feigned advance on the western side, clearly a diversion, as a direct assault there would have been a perilous endeavor.
Colonel Ledyard's garrison, numbering approximately 150 militia and volunteers, included off-duty Continental soldiers and a small contingent from Stonington, returning from guard duty at Saybrook fort. Survivors from the Fort Trumbull escape, among them Captain Shapley and Sergeant Hempstead of New London, also stood ready.
The defenders were primarily local farmers and citizens of Groton Bank, drawn by the distant cannon fire or the sight of New London ablaze.
Prior to the assault, Lieutenant Colonel Eyre deployed his forces. Tight lines formed near the present-day burial ground southeast of the fort, while Major Montgomery and the 40th Regiment took position further west, both locations offering cover from trees and rolling terrain.
At noon, Captain Beckwith delivered Eyre's demand for unconditional surrender. Ledyard, recognizing the fort's weaknesses—an undermanned garrison and its state of disrepair—yet clinging to the hope of reinforcements, convened a council of war. Captains Elijah Avery, Amos Stanton, and John Williams were chosen to deliver their defiant response.
Eyre, met with unexpected resistance, warned that a storming of the fort would be met with martial law—no quarter given. Captain Shapley, newly arrived, delivered the resolute reply: "We shall not surrender the fort, let the consequences be what they may." This declaration would echo through history. Earlier, Colonel Gallup of the Groton militia had visited the fort, then departed to rally reinforcements.
[Image: Tunnel leading from southern defense to fort.]
Dozens, if not hundreds, of Groton militia responded and began to move toward the fort. However, the sight of heavily armed British regiments and Jaegers, with their gleaming bayonets, deterred many. Some concealed themselves in the forest, while others pleaded with Captain Stanton to abandon the fort and conduct a guerrilla campaign from the surrounding countryside.
Others urged Captain Stanton to lead the men out of the fort to engage the British on a level field, where they believed they would be granted the rights of war. Inside the fort, they feared being put to the sword if they survived the assault. The overwhelming odds against the fort's defense led many local militia to remain hidden in the woods, awaiting the outcome. Colonel Gallup and his men also remained in the woods, resigned to watching the fort's inevitable fall.
One of the few privateers to respond was naval captain Elias Halsey, an experienced cannoneer. He manned the main cannon on the wall as the British advanced. As Eyre's men moved forward, a party of about 12 men fired a single volley from the eastern battery and retreated to the fort's walls. With this, the battle commenced.
At this point Col.Ledyard gave orders to hold fire until the first British detachment arrived at a point that would give his men the best chance to kill as many as possible. As the detachment moved on the fort Capt.Halsey fired his lone 18 pounder with that was loaded with grape shot to cause the greatest damage. BOOM the cannon roared and 20 men of the detachment fell to the ground, some dead, some writing in pain without limbs. This discharge opened a wide hole in the lines and was quickly filled by human fodder. They continued to move on the fort...while many in the front line were now scattered, dragging arms, some wounded and trying to regroup all along still some kind of odd order was kept.
225th Anniversary- Defenders Artillery Firing on British
(Halsey's Position)
With the first rounds fired the entire field surrounding the fort was covered with scarlet uniforms of the regulars and they moved on to the southwest bastion under a deadly fire that ensued. A large crackling sound filled the air as the forts defenders fired on their targets. At appeared each had a target and each ball found its target.
Renderring of Bunker Hill -1775 -- Similar to the storming of Ft.Griswold
To the south and south west side of the fort british officers goaded their men to move on the fort even as they witnessed their comrades falling at the will of the defenders. It is here were Col.Eyre was greeted by a ball and was mortally wounded. He was carried from the field one of only many victims of the day. Major Montgomery came up in solid column formation and moved to the north side of the fort and eventually threw his entire force at the eastern side of the fort taking heavy casualties. Montgomery then approach the eastern redoubt that was abandoned and moved onto the fort walls. Setting up Lodgments on the ramparts the defense was incredible and the attackers could only be respected for facing such hell. The defenders continued pouring fire onto the ever closing in british regulars led by Montgomery. A valiant defense and attack to match were the rule.
The defenders led by Halsey fired cannon, rocket and musket ball on their attackers at a fast pace but the scarlet coats only moved closer and closer. The regular begans to scale the 12 foot high pickets and were cut down, others followed orders and followed...As the regulars of the 40th poured over the pickets and to the top of the walls the major was killed by Jordan Freeman with a long pike.
Freeman one of two African-American free men in the fort was then cut to pieces by the regulars that soon enveloped the forts walls. To avenge the obvious death of their commander the British regulars moved onward at an even faster pace. As the regulars poured in over the walls and embrasures, the main flag of the fort was shot from it's stand. This was seen as a sign of surrender by the regulars and they rushed to the main gate only to be greeted with a thunderous volley of fire and cannon. Ever so enraged some made a move to open the main gates to allow the others in. They were greeted with musket fire, however others followed and eventually opened the main gates. The first man it is said to attempt to open the gate was killed instantly by a musket ball to his head.
The main gate now open Col-Ledyard ordered resistance to cease and for the defenders to throw down their arms. This was done immediately as the situation was past desperate and only hopeless. There was not any re-enforcement coming nor was there any opportunity to wait. However the enraged regulars were not checked of their rage and this would play a major role in what was to happen.
In the southwest of the fort resistance continued, unaware of what happened at the main gate behind them the regulars took contol of one of the cannon at the north side that they now occupied and fired two successive volleys at the defenders. Capt.Shapley and Lt.Chapman fell at this point. The survivors on this side of the fort quickly threw down their weapons and asked for mercy.
As the regulars came in they formed in platoons and fired on those running to hide in the various officers quarters & barracks, magazine area and around the forts corners. It is said at this point Major Bromfield the only senior officer left standing commanded "Who commands this fort?" with that Col.Ledyard stepped forward, raising and lowering his sword as he said "I did sir but you do now..." as was customary to honor the victor. Bromfield enraged and likely embarassed that so much "rabble" had disabled so much of his force and that they were goaded into believing with the lowering of the flag that they were surrendering... lunged toward Ledyard killing him with one stab through the heart and lungs. Ledyard fell and thus began the massacre of the defenders.
Those nearest to Ledyard leaned to support him while Capt.Peter Richards, seriously injured but still standing, noble, confident and strong holding Ledyard, along with others in the vacinity including Col.Ledyard's nephew Youngs moved forward to avenge their commander. All were cut down by bayonet, some having received up to 30 stab wounds.
Chaos had broken loose. There was no escape and no quarter given or expected. The surviving defenders grabbed what they could to defend themselves while platoon after platoon entered the forts grounds first firing on then bayonetting every American they saw regardless of age.
As the regulars poured in they hunted down those hiding under platforms and beds with the edge of the bayonnet. Many of these men had their hands chopped to bits as this was their only defense. Others like a farmer from the area named Malison, big and brauny was stabbed several times in the hands, he finally lunged forward, hopped over the walls and ran into the nearby forest. A platoon fired a round after him but all missed their target.
Hartford native William Seymour visiting the area was tabbed 13 times after having nearly lost his leg below the knee by a musket ball. Ensign Woodsmansee lay wounded and partially hidden was slashed by cutlass on his hands and arms. Lt.Parke Avery of Groton had hi skull smashed, brain matter on his clothes and lost an eye. He survived 40 more year after pretending to be dead. New London's Lt.Stephen Hempstead who came over from Ft.Trumbull with Capt. Shapley had been several broken ribs and an arm, was stabbed and took nearly 11 months to recover.
17 Year old Thomas Avery, son of Lt.Parke Avery who was killed in the battle followed his father in death. It is reported that while fighting by his father's side Lt.Avery said ""Tom, my son, do your duty." "Never fear, father," was the reply, and the next minute he was stretched upon the ground. "Tis in a good cause,""
Into the barracks and magazine went the platoons hunting down in anger their prey, killing several times over the same men. Upon seeing the slaughter a british commander demanded the butchery stopped and this took some time before the order was heeded. Likely out his own worry for safety as the powder magazine could blow with the first spark and all would be casualties of the day. "Stop! Stop" yelled a british officer..."In the name of heaven I say stop, My soul cannot bear it" he screamed. Finally the slaughter ended. Small fires were about, blood covered every part of the ground, grunts and groans of the wounded and dying could be heard to a deafening level.
The wounded were arranged in a cart, the dead left in place. Dead British soldiers were hastily buried, legs, arms and faces of some sticking out of their shallow graves. The dead American's were looted of their belongings, some had clothes taken off for use as bandages, others simply had it stolen. Major Montgomery and the officers were buried at the front of the fort where they fell.
The wounded Amercians loaded onto a cart was hastily deployed toward the waterfront. Those mortally wounded and determined not to cause any harm due to their injuries numbering about 35 were paroled and left behind outside of the fort. The non-fatal wounded numbering about 30 were marched toward the river bank to be imprisoned on a ship outside of New York a fate maybe worse than death. 85 defenders lay dead on the fort or very very near death, a handful escaped and the rest already mentioned.
Those, about 20 in number thrown into an ammunitions cart as the fort's magazine was to be destroyed were hastily arranged and pushed forwarded. This was done hastily as British commanders feared the countryside soon would fill with militia looking for avengence. Soldiers pushed the cart almost to a running pace until it broke loose.
As reported by F.M.Calkins:
"About twenty soldiers wee then employed to drag this wagon down the hill, to a safe distance from the expected explosion. From the brow of the ridge on which the fort stood, to the brink of the river, was a rapid descent of one hundred rods, uninterrupted except by the roughens of the surface, and by scattered rocks, brushes, and stumps of trees. The weight of the wagon after it had begun to move, pressing heavily upon the soldiers, they let go their hold, and darting aside, left it to its own impetus. On it went, with accelerated velocity, surmounting every impediment, till near the foot of the hill, when it came against the trunk of a large apple-tree, with a force that caused it to recoil and sway round. This arrested its course, but gave a sudden access of torture to the sufferers. The violence of the shock is said to have caused instant death to some of them; others fainted, and two or three were thrown out to the ground. The enemy, after a time, gathered up the bleeding men, and carried them into a house near by, belonging to Ensign Avery, who was himself one of the party in the wagon. The house had been previously set on fire, but they extinguished the flames, and left the wounded men there on parole, taking as hostage for them, Ebenezer Ledyard, brother of the commander of the fort."
Eb.Avery House
The prisoners and soldiers now boarded transports that awaited at the base of the hill on Groton Bank. The houses and buildings in this area were all looted and torched sharing the same fate as those on the New London side. Sometimes it appeared the troops were running to get aboard led by officers dragging fellow officers onboard. The countryside was slowing coming to life again. Men and boys, militia and independent citizens pitchforks, muskets, clubs, and pikes jammed the roadways from Norwich, Stonington and Groton, they arrived by the dozens from Lyme and Colchester, Preston and Lebanon already looking for a fight. Without any organized leadership, this unbeknownst to the british only sporadic defense or aevengence could be the rule.
The prisoners now loaded on the transport ships soon hauled off at sunset, the embers of the fires now extinguished the countryside was grey with ash and black without lights.
The fire to be set to a trail of gunpowder to blow up the magazine and send the dead to heaven or hell was put out either by the blood soaked ground or by the act of a local patriot that ventured in right after to extinguish the flames. No new effort was undertaken to start the fire as the British troops hastily retired to the transports.
Casualties:
American-
85 Killed
39 Wounded
30 Taken Prisoner
British-
48 Killed
145 Wounded
Note:
Of those taken prisoner many were never heard of again and assumed they died in transport on onboard prison ship. Of the British casualties it was reported by a British officer in his report that upon arriving in New York they were 220 men less than when they embarked. This would mean the majority of the wounded were mortal and died on ship. This number also must take into consideration the number killed by sporadic fire in Groton and perhaps along Groton Bank.
KILLED
Avery, Capt. Elijah
Perkins, Luke
Morgan, Issac
Avery, Capt. Elisha
Perkins, Asa
Rowley, Issac
Avery, Lieut. Ebenezer
Perkins, Elnathan
Stow, Lieut. Jabez
Avery, Ensign Daniel
Perkins, Simeon
Smith, Corp. Josiah
Avery, Sergt. Cristopher
Richards, Capt. Peter
Sanford, Holsey
Avery, Sergt. Jasper
Shapley, Capt. Adam
Tift, Solomon
Avery, Sergt. Solomon
Stanton, Capt. Amos
Wales, Horatio
Avery, David
Stanton, Lieut. Enos
Welles, Thos.
Avery, Thomas
Stanton, Sergt. Daniel
Allyn, Capt. Samuel
Stedman, Sergt. John K.
Wounded
and
Paroled
Allyn, Capt. Simeon
Star, Sergt. Nicholas
Avery, Jr., Lieut. Parke
Allyn, Belton
Sholes, Corp. Nathan
Avery, Capt. Ebenezer
Allyn, Benadam
Starr, Jr., Thomas
Avery, Amos
Adams, Nathaniel
Seabury, David
Daboll, Jr., John
Burrows, Capt Hubbard.
Williams, Capt. John
Eldridge, Christopher
Bailey, Sergt. Ezekiel
Williams, Lieut. Henry
Eldridge, Ensign John
Billings, Corp. Andrew
Ward, Lieut Patric
Eldridge, Daniel
Baker, Andrew
Walworth, Sylvester
Edgecomb, Jr., Samuel
Babcock, John P.
Wedger, Joseph
Gallup, Andrew
Billings, John
Williams, Thomas
Gallup, Robert
Billings, Samuel
Williams, Daniel
Hempstead, Sergt. Stephen
Bolton, William
Whittlesey, John
Judd, Corp. Jehial
Brown, John
Whittlesey, Stephen
Latham, Capt. William
Butler, Johnathan
Woodbridge, Christopher
Latham, Capt. Edward
Chapman, Lieut. Richard
Woodbridge, Henry
Latham, Jr., Jonathan
Chester, Sergt. Eldredge
Latham, Jr., Christopher
Chester, Daniel
ESCAPED
Moore, Frederick
Chester, Jedediah
Bill, Benjamin
Morgan, John
Chester, Frederic
Bill, Joshua
Pendleton, Joseph
Clark, John
Holdridge, Benajah
Perkins, Capt. Solomon
Colt, Elias
Jaques, Samuel
Perkins, Lieut. Obadiah
Comstock, Lieut. James
Lester, Amos
Perkins, Ebenezer
Comstock, William
Leeds, Cary
Prior, Elisha
Covill, Philip
Latham, Jr., William
Starr, Lieut. William
Davis, Daniel
Mason, Henry
Starr, John
Eldredge, Daniel
Mason, Japheth
Stanton, Jr., Daniel
Freeman, Jordan (colored)
Morgan, James
Seymour, William
Halsey, Capt Elias Henry.
Mallinson, Thomas
Woodmansie, Ensign Jos.
Hill, Samuel
Moxley, Joseph
Wiilliams, Sanford
Holt, Jr., John
Morgan, Elisha
Woodworth, Asel
Hulburt, Sergt. Rufus
Prentis, John
Woodworth, Thomas
Jones, Eliday
Woodworth, Zibe
Jones, Moses
PRISONERS
CARRIED
OFF
Stillman, Samuel
Kenson, Benoni
Avery, Caleb
Wansuc, Tom (Pequot Indian)
Kinney, Barney
Avery, Sergt. Rufus
Stanton, Edward
Ledyard, Capt.Youngs
Abraham, Samuel
Leeds, Capt. Carey
Baker, Joshua
Lewis, Lieut. Joseph
Beaumont, Samuel
Lester, Ensign John
Buddington, Walter
Lester, Daniel D.
Bushnell, Reuben
Lester, Jonas
Chester, Charles
Lester, Wait
Darrow, Nathan
Lamb, Thomas
Dart, Elias
Latham, Lambo (colored)
Dart, Levi
Moore, Capt. Nathan
Edgecomb, Gilbert
Mills, Corp. Edward
Eldridge, Daniel
Morgan, Corp. Simeon
Fish, Ebenezer
Miner, Thomas
Harding, Jeremiah
Moxley, Joseph
Kilburn, -----
Perkins, Jr., Corp. Luke
Ledyard, Ebenezer
Palmer, David
Latham, William
Perkins, Elisha
Minor, Jonathan
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